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On May 3, a rumor spread by Eduardo Bolsonaro—son of former President Jair Bolsonaro and the family's primary liaison to the international far-right—was treated as news by Brazilian, U.S., and British-affiliated outlets in Brazil. These outlets amplified an unfounded claim that Trump administration officials were arriving in Brazil to sanction Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes for allegedly violating U.S. free speech principles.

In a May 3 article in CNN Brasil, titled "Trump Administration Representative is Coming to Brazil to Discuss Sanctions Against Moraes" (translated from Portuguese), journalist Leandro Magalhães asserted that David Gamble, the Trump administration's Acting Coordinator for Sanctions, would fly to Brasília on May 5 to "listen to right-wing parliamentarians and former President Jair Bolsonaro."

CNN further speculated that the meetings would address "not only Justice Moraes' actions but also those of other Brazilian authorities, such as Attorney General Paulo Gonet."

The story first appeared in Metrópoles, a formerly progressive outlet now accused of ideological entryism, before spreading to mainstream platforms like Veja—Brazil's most widely read news magazine. Veja has a 40-year history of smear campaigns against the Workers' Party and was once branded "a toxic rag with an agenda that goes far beyond journalism" by New Yorker veteran Jon Lee Anderson.

Veja quoted Eduardo Bolsonaro—the ex-congressman who fled to the U.S. last month—who said, "when I say Alexandre de Moraes' potato is heating up here in the U.S., you can be sure it's really happening."

While Eduardo's potato metaphor might seem inappropriate, it fits his family's years-long hybrid warfare against Brazil's judiciary, including their false narrative of a "dictatorship of the toga"—a framing normalized by outlets like the New York Times. Yet no major outlet bothered to seek State Department confirmation before publishing.

The U.S. Embassy in Brasília debunked the rumors in a May 4 press release, stating:

"The U.S. Department of State will send a delegation to Brasília, led by David Gamble, Acting Head of the Sanctions Coordination Office. He will participate in bilateral meetings on transnational criminal organizations and discuss U.S. sanctions programs targeting terrorism and drug trafficking."

Notably absent: Any mention of Moraes or Gonet.

Veja buried this detail three paragraphs deep in its vaguely titled piece, "Who Is Trump's Sanctions Advisor and What Is He Doing in Brazil?" Journalist Bruno Caniato conceded:

"The embassy's release does not cite Justice Alexandre de Moraes... contrary to Eduardo Bolsonaro's claims."

Rather than clarify what was now confirmed as a false narrative, BBC Brasil doubled down with "Trump Sends Sanctions Director to Brazil: Could the Target Be Moraes?"—illustrated with a slant-shot, unflattering photo of the Supreme Court Justice who has become the primary Brazilian target of the international far right. The article insinuated "chilly relations" between Trump and Lula's administration, only acknowledging the embassy's actual agenda in the penultimate paragraph—and even then, casting doubt by claiming that BBC "could not confirm meetings with relevant agencies."

As of May 8, Gamble has not met with anyone to discuss sanctions against Brazilian officials.

Perhaps scrambling to save face, CNN and others inflated a courtesy visit by Ricardo Pita—a 5th-echelon State Department official (Senior Advisor to the Deputy Assistant Secretary for Western Hemisphere Affairs)—to Jair Bolsonaro. The ex-president later clarified the conversation was general, focused on U.S. interests in Latin America, with no mention of Moraes.

A May 7th Reuters article published in the Guardian made the purpose of Gamble's delegation visit clear. It was to convince Brazilian authorities to designate Brazil's two largest drug trafficking organizations, the PCC and the Comando Vermelho, as terrorist groups, to help facilitate the Trump administration's deportation program for Brazilians. Unlike CNN Brasil, Veja and BBC Brasil, Reuters' journalist took the time to speak to someone in the Brazilian government, quoting Security Minister Mario Sarrubo explaining why Brazil rejected Gamble's request.

“'We don’t have terrorist organizations here, we have criminal organizations that have infiltrated society,' said Sarrubo. But Brazilian law, he added, only considers organizations that violently clash with the government for religious or racial reasons to be terrorists."

As shown by Reuters, it's not that hard for a journalist to get a quote from a government official. Why would CNN, Veja, and BBC Brasil skip fact-checking to amplify a rumor spread by a known liar like Eduardo Bolsonaro? The most logical conclusion aside from pure laziness is editorial bias in favor of the Bolsonaros.

Redbird said it has reached an agreement in principle to become controlling owner of the Telegraph Media Group, ending a lengthy takeover saga for the conservative-leaning newspaper on Friday.

Gerry Cardinale, founder and managing partner of RedBird, said the sale “marks the start of a new era for The Telegraph as we look to grow the brand in the UK and internationally, invest in its technology and expand its subscriber base”.

The Telegraph group, previously owned by the UK’s Barclay family, was put up for sale two years ago to help pay off the family’s debts. It publishes the Daily and Sunday Telegraph newspapers and weekly newsmagazine The Spectator, which all are closely allied to the UK’s Conservative Party.

In 2023, there was an offer to buy the publications from RedBird IMI, a consortium backed by RedBird Capital Partners and Sheikh Mansour bin Zayed Al Nahyan, a member of Abu Dhabi’s royal family and the vice president of the United Arab Emirates.

But the consortium pulled out last year following strong opposition from the UK government, which launched legislation to block foreign state ownership of the British press.

Under the deal, Abu Dhabi’s IMI will take a minority stake of not more than 15 percent in the Telegraph as a member of the consortium. The sale must be approved by British regulators.

RedBird has investments in football team AC Milan, the parent company of Liverpool football club and film production company Skydance.

Telegraph Media Group chief executive Anna Jones said that “RedBird Capital Partners have exciting growth plans that build on our success — and will unlock our full potential across the breadth of our business.”

The Spectator was sold in September to British hedge fund investor Paul Marshall

The factions have been effectively banned from operating. They handed over all weapons, and authorities demanded names of members with personal arms. A source said there's no real cooperation with the new Syrian administration.

The crackdown follows a request by US President Trump for Syria to expel Palestinian "terrorists" in exchange for lifting sanctions. Syrian authorities recently detained Islamic Jihad leaders and briefly held Talal Naji.

(Photo: AFP)

During his presidency, he focused on economic development and international integration. On Thursday, Venezuela expressed condolences to the people of Vietnam over the death of former President Tran Duc Luong, who passed away on May 20 at the age of 88.

“On behalf of the people and government of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, President Nicolas Maduro extends his most sincere words of condolence to the brotherly people and government of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam on the passing of former President Tran Duc Luong, one of the most important leaders of the courageous Vietnamese nation, who, always adhering to socialist principles, contributed to his country’s development and well-being,” the Venezuelan Foreign Affairs Ministry said.

“Venezuela honors the significant contributions of former President Tran Duc Luong in strengthening cooperation ties between Vietnam and Venezuela, highlighting his friendship and joint efforts with Commander Hugo Chavez to forge a strategic bond that today serves as a model of cooperation among developing nations and has contributed to the well-being of both peoples,” the statement continued.

“In light of this unfortunate news, the government of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela once again reaffirms its deep brotherhood with the Socialist Republic of Vietnam and its commitment to continue strengthening the ties of friendship between the Vietnamese and Venezuelan peoples,” it added.

“We extend our deepest condolences to the Party, Government, and people of Vietnam on the passing of former President Tran Duc Luong. We recall his contribution to bilateral relations and his official visit to Cuba in April 2000, when he was received by Fidel.” Tran Duc Luong served as the sixth President of Vietnam from 1997 to 2006. Born in the Quang Ngai Province, he moved to Hanoi after completing high school in 1954. He studied geology and initially worked as a cartographer. In 1959, he joined the Communist Party, marking the beginning of a political career that would span several decades.

Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, Tran Duc Luong rose through the ranks of the Communist Party, eventually becoming Deputy Prime Minister in 1987. He was elected to the Politburo in June 1996 and became President of Vietnam on 24 September 1997.

During his presidency, he focused on economic development and international integration, including efforts that led to Vietnam’s accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO). He was re-elected in 2002 and served until his resignation on June 27, 2006.

Israeli companies have relied on cheap and compliant Palestinian labor for decades. In the shadow of Israel's genocidal war on Gaza and the continued strangulation of Palestinian lives under occupation, another, quieter form of violence against Palestinian workers is taking shape: In recent months, Israel has embarked on an aggressive campaign to replace hundreds of thousands of Palestinian workers with migrant labor from Asia and Africa. Israeli capital is to continue to have a compliant labor force at its disposal, and what is left of the Palestinian economy is to be stifled even further.

This exchange of labor is not taking place in a vacuum, but reflects a larger historical pattern in Israel's treatment of its labor force over the decades. Since the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza in 1967, Palestinian workers have played a crucial role in the Israeli economy, particularly in construction, agriculture and low-paid service jobs.

Israel cited security concerns to revoke the work permits of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians virtually overnight, crippling the Palestinian economy and rendering entire villages and towns jobless. Many of those affected had worked in Israeli companies for years without legal protection or the possibility of unionization.

To replace the Palestinians, Israel has sought bilateral agreements with countries such as India, Thailand, Malawi and Sri Lanka to send workers. Through these agreements, Israel gains tens of thousands of new workers for Israeli agriculture, construction and the care sector. Officially, these programs are presented as mutually beneficial, providing workers with jobs and training, but labor rights organizations say these agreements expose workers to abuses.

Many migrants pay high fees to recruitment agencies in their home countries and are already in debt when they enter Israel. Some reported that their passports were taken from them, that they were housed in poor accommodation and that they were paid wages below the legal minimum wage in Israel.

One of the most problematic aspects of this labor import system is the lack of control. Although the Israeli Ministry of Labor is theoretically responsible for regulating working conditions, the implementation of regulations often leaves much to be desired, especially on remote farms and construction sites. Non-governmental organizations such as Kav la-Oved have documented numerous cases of labor law violations, including unpaid wages and physical abuse. Under the agricultural internship program alone, at least 17 foreign "interns" have been recognized as victims of human trafficking, and there have been several deaths since the program began.

For the Palestinian workers who are being replaced, it is about far more than economic losses. For many of them, Israeli wages were their livelihood, as the occupied territories struggle with chronic underdevelopment, high unemployment and restrictions on movement that stifle the development of the local economy.

For them, the withdrawal of work permits not only means the loss of income, but also reinforces the fragmentation of Palestinian society. The financial burden increases and dependence on aid from abroad is strengthened.

At the same time, the Israeli economy, especially sectors such as construction and agriculture, is being burdened by the lack of Palestinian labor. Israeli business media have reported project delays and labor shortages, prompting companies to push for faster recruitment of workers from abroad. This has led Israeli companies to see foreign workers not just as a stopgap, but as a strategic alternative - a way to keep the economy going without political "risk".

This dynamic highlights a deeper structural problem: the transformation of labor into a commodity under apartheid conditions. Israel replaces Palestinian workers, whose presence is politically explosive, with migrant workers from abroad, who are easier to control and deport and who have no claim to political rights. Labor is thus reduced to a commodity that can be imported and removed at will, regardless of the human cost.

Criticism is now being voiced internationally. In 2024, the International Labor Organization (ILO) received a formal complaint on behalf of Palestinian workers who had been denied wages and labour rights since the start of the war on Gaza. Israel is accused of violating international agreements on the right to work and collective bargaining. However, the complaint has few real consequences for Israel, as major donor countries and trading partners continue to prioritize political alliances over the enforcement of labor laws.

These developments show that Israel's labor policies, shaped by the occupation, security doctrine and neoliberal economics, have a profound impact on both Palestinians and the growing number of migrant workers from other countries. The replacement of one large number of precarious workers with another illustrates the cruelty of Israeli apartheid, which simply restructures the labor market according to the interests of the state and corporations while concealing the continuity of exploitation.

Israel's labor policies will increasingly rely on imported labor in the future, as the regime seeks to shield its economy from the political costs of occupation and intensify its apartheid and genocide policies. Palestinian workers are left out for now, and the migrant workers who fill the gap adopt the same system of weak protections, legal gray areas and systematic disregard for their human dignity.